From Enclave to Theater: Russia’s Geostrategy of Escalation in the Baltic-Polish Realm

Tactical Presence on the Eastern Flank—Polish border security monitoring the Suwalki Corridor amidst increasing regional drone incursions. Source: Map/Graphic generated by the author as of 17 November 2025.

By Alexander Perepechko

Published on March 9, 2026

Abstract: The re-establishment of Russia’s Moscow and Leningrad Military Districts, coupled with the strategic pivot following the 2024–2025 phase of war against Ukraine, signals a fundamental shift in the security architecture of the Baltic-Polish realm. This paper analyzes Russia’s 2026 operational art, characterized by a transition from high-intensity attrition to a geostrategy of escalation based on “micro-infiltration” and electronic maneuver. At the center of this transformation is the Suwalki Corridor, which faces a metamorphosis from a vital NATO land bridge into an isolated enclave. By integrating modern kill-chain theory with Yuri Fedorov’s escalatory scenarios (Fedorov 2026), the research demonstrates how Russian forces aim to saturate NATO’s target engagement cycles. Following the geopolitical logic of the state as a “living organism” (Haushofer 1986), this transformation is further driven by the mobilization of approximately 880,000 ethnic Russians within the Baltic states as a decentralized militia force. Through the use of low-signature infiltration units and pervasive digital siege tactics—specifically the deployment of a low-signature drone relay “mesh” anchored to civilian infrastructure in Belarus (Beskrestnov 2026)—Moscow seeks to exploit “resolution gaps” in Western sensory processing. This combination of technical and sociopolitical friction aims to achieve a fait accompli before a unified NATO response can be coordinated. The study evaluates technical counter-measures, including Poland’s “East Shield” (Aljundi 2026) and Sweden’s dispersed highway operations, concluding that the preservation of the corridor depends on closing the 72-hour cognitive and electronic window through a posture of “Active Denial” and the institutionalization of a “Military Schengen” framework (Decode39 2026).

1. Introduction

The strategic landscape of the Eastern Europe is entering a “window of risk” defined by the culmination of the Russia-Ukraine war and a fundamental restructuring of the Russian military apparatus. As Moscow transitions away from the high-intensity attrition of the Donbas (Engle 2024), its strategic focus is pivoting toward the Baltic-Polish realm. The re-establishment of the Moscow and Leningrad Military Districts is not merely a bureaucratic adjustment but a signal of a long-term geostrategy aimed at challenging NATO’s eastern flank through a sophisticated blend of “micro-infiltration” and electronic maneuver. This posture suggests that Russia’s 2026 operational art is designed to exploit the “resolution gaps” in Western defense, moving beyond traditional territorial conquest toward a strategy of systemic paralysis (Friedman 2017, Friedman 2021).

At the heart of this challenge is the Suwalki Corridor, a 65km strip of land that serves as the singular land bridge connecting Central Europe to the Baltic States (Figure 1). Historically viewed as a conventional “bottleneck” to be seized by armored thrusts, the corridor is now the target of a more insidious metamorphosis. The Suwalki Corridor is no longer a conventional bottleneck but a biological and technical artery undergoing a managed metamorphosis into an isolated enclave. Following the Haushoferian theoretical logic of the state as a “living organism,” the Russian Genshtab seeks to transform this vital bridge into an “isolated enclave” through the saturation of NATO’s Find-Fix-Finish kill chain (Brose 2022). This process aims to sever the biological and technical links that allow the “organism” of the Baltic states to remain connected to the European “hinterland.” While Ukraine has demonstrated the ability to eliminate Shahed drone relay stations operating from Belarus (United24 2024), the 2026 “Belarusian Mesh” represents an evolution toward a more pervasive, low-signature architecture designed to withstand intermittent kinetic strikes.

Figure 1: The Theater of Escalation—Strategic nodes of the Baltic-Polish realm, highlighting the Suwalki Gap as the critical constriction point between Kaliningrad, Belarus, and Vilnius. Source: Generated by the author based on Google Maps.

By early 2026, this metamorphosis is driven by the deployment of a radio-modem “Mesh network” installed on civilian 70–90 meter cell towers across the Belarusian border regions (Beskrestnov 2026). These “ground anchors” provide the persistent internet connectivity required for Shahed and Geran drones to bypass traditional Electronic Warfare (EW/РЭБ) jamming, effectively turning the corridor into a digital and physical blackout zone. The dilemma for NATO is no longer just a question of physical defense but of cognitive and technological dominance.

The strategic depth of this threat is punctuated by the assessed deployment of the Oreshnik (Hazel) intermediate-range ballistic system at the Krichev-6 military airfield (CSIS 2026). By flooding the theater with low-signature infiltration units—including a decentralized militia potentially drawn from the 880,000 ethnic Russians residing in the Baltics—and deploying pervasive electronic warfare (EW) “shields,” Moscow aims to create a digital and physical blackout that severs the Baltics from allied reinforcement before a shot is fired.

2. Theory: Kill-Chain Saturation and the Geopolitik of the State Organism

The theoretical framework for analyzing the 2026 Baltic-Polish theater necessitates a synthesis of classical operational art, modern kill-chain dynamics, and the Haushoferian conception of Geopolitik. Central to this is the “Theory of Victory,” which posits that success is defined by the psychological and physical breakdown of the adversary’s ability to resist. In the context of the Suwalki Corridor, this breakdown is pursued through “Operational Art,” serving as the conceptual bridge between localized tactical engagements and the broader strategic goal of regional isolation.

This organic view is rooted in Friedrich Ratzel’s Politische Geographie, which defines the state as a “living organism” whose survival depends on the expansion of its Lebensraum (Ratzel 1897). In the 21st century, this is operationalized through Alexander Dugin’s “Russian World” (Russkiy Mir) doctrine, which frames the re-absorption of Russian-speaking diasporas as a biological necessity for the survival of the Russian civilization-organism (Dugin 2000). Consequently, the Suwalki Corridor is viewed by Moscow not merely as a military objective, but as a vital space to be reclaimed to ensure the continuity of the “Russian body.” In this framework, the corridor is a biological “blockage” that Moscow seeks to resolve through the mobilization of its “ethnic cells” within the Baltic body.

This intent is realized through the systematic saturation of the “Kill Chain.” Victory belongs to the side that moves through the Find-Fix-Finish cycle faster than the opponent. Russia’s 2026 posture shifts toward a high-volume approach designed to overwhelm NATO’s sensory processing. By flooding the “Find” phase with “Polite Green Men 2.0“—militias drawn from the 880,000 ethnic Russians in the Baltics—Moscow creates a “Resolution Gap.” These units provide a layer of “Sociopolitical Friction” that makes NATO’s precision-strike capabilities politically difficult to engage. If the “Kill Chain” can be paralyzed for a 72-hour window, the transition to an “isolated enclave” becomes a political reality, effectively breaking the alliance’s circuit.

3. Methods and Technics: The 72-Hour Window

The methodology of this research employs a multi-scalar scenario-modeling approach to evaluate the transition from localized friction to theater-wide conflict. By utilizing a quantitative assessment of regional combat power—accounting for the standing armies, reservists, and forward-deployed NATO battlegroups across Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Poland, and Finland—the study simulates the “Resolution Gap” inherent in high-speed, low-signature operations. This framework measures the capability of a Joint Expeditionary Corps to mobilize against unconventional incursions within the 72-hour window.

The primary techniques involve a geospatial and technical analysis of the Suwalki Corridor as a “contested node,” assessing how the concentration of Russian troops across the Moscow and Leningrad Military Districts could be leveraged to saturate the Find-Fix-Finish cycle. The tools utilized in this research include the quantitative analysis of kinetic latencies (Table 1) and recursive modeling applied to escalatory scenarios to measure the latency in NATO’s decision-making process.

Table 1: Quantitative Analysis of Kinetic Latencies Demonstrating the “Critical Gap” in NATO’s decision-making window relative to hypersonic and ballistic strike speeds.

Source: Generated by the author.

A central component of this modeling is the calculation of the 72-hour window, a critical period of “Phase Zero” paralysis derived from three converging latencies:

  • Hypersonic Kinetic Latency: The assessed deployment of Oreshnik IRBMs at Krichev-6 reduces the “Finish” phase to a window of 2.5 to 3 minutes (approximately 150 seconds) for targets like Warsaw, forcing a near-instantaneous response that outpaces current political consultation norms.
  • Logistical Clearance Latency: Modeling the “Military Schengen” framework reveals that even under optimized conditions, the transit of heavy reinforcements currently faces a 48-to-72-hour delay.
  • Sensor Restoration Latency: By integrating technical data on the “Belarusian Mesh” (Beskrestnov 2026), the study models the impact of a “Digital Siege” on the Suwalki “Bridge.” The time required for NATO to re-establish a “Transparent Battlefield” once a digital siege begins is estimated at 48 hours, creating a gap that Moscow exploits for a fait accompli.

4. Results: Whale vs. Elephant

The synthesis of modeled scenarios reveals that Russia’s 2026 operational art achieves a “Saturation Threshold” by exploiting the resolution gaps in NATO’s sensory architecture and the internal fragilities of the Baltic “living organism.” Findings indicate that the deployment of two-man micro-infiltration units—complemented by locally mobilized “Polite Green Men 2.0” from the 880,000 ethnic Russians in the region—effectively bypasses traditional Western reconnaissance-strike complexes. In Scenario 3 (Local Hybrid Attack), the integration of autonomous drone swarms and the “Belarusian Mesh” successfully blinded NATO’s “Find” capabilities within the Suwalki Corridor for a period exceeding 48 hours. This result demonstrates that Russia can physically and digitally sever the Suwalki “Bridge” without a conventional armored breakthrough, creating an isolated enclave by neutralizing the links between regional sensors and precision-strike assets.

The results further highlight a “Whale vs. Elephant” divergent outcome (PPR 2026). Russia’s “A2/AD bubble” proved vulnerable to the Swedish “Dispersed Operations” model; the JAS39 Gripen E’s ability to operate from highway strips rendered Russia’s pre-programmed ballistic missile strikes (from the Oreshnik system at Krichev-6) on permanent airbases ineffective. However, the French Charles de Gaulle, while a dominant “strategic whale” in the maritime domain, proved fundamentally mismatched against the ground-based “elephant”: the decentralized, low-tech infiltration of ethnic militias in the Suwalki forests (Figure 2). While NATO maintains a “Finish” phase superiority in terms of precision, the results indicate an “Actionable Intelligence Deficit” caused by the Russian “Thousand Cuts” strategy, which prevents the effective application of this power at the operational level.

Figure 2: The Resolution Gap—Side-by-side comparison of Baltic population density (left) and the E67 “Via Baltica” primary NATO transit route (right), illustrating the proximity of civilian centers to critical military corridors.

Ultimately, the transition from an “Enclave” to a “Theater” conflict is determined by the speed of NATO’s cognitive response within the 72-hour window. The modeling shows that if the Suwalki Corridor remains in a state of “Digital Siege” for more than 72 hours, the “Western Consensus” begins to fracture. Success in the 2026 landscape depends on a “Transparent Battlefield” where the “Thousand Cuts” of decentralized militias are rendered actionable within minutes, not days. These results confirm that the “Bridge-to-Enclave” metamorphosis is not merely a matter of troop numbers, but of kill-chain latency, electronic dominance, and the biological severing of the state organism as theorized by Ratzel and Dugin.

5. Implications of these Results

The transition of the Suwalki Corridor from a “NATO bridge” to an “isolated enclave” is no longer a theoretical risk but an operational objective that necessitates a paradigm shift in Allied posture. The results of this study imply that NATO’s traditional “tripwire” deterrence is insufficient against a 2026 Russian operational art that prioritizes kill-chain saturation and sociopolitical subversion over traditional territorial seizure.

To counter the “Resolution Gap,” the first strategic recommendation is the immediate transition to “Active Denial” through the full integration of Poland’s “East Shield” (Tarcza Wschód) and the Baltic Defense Line. This requires not just physical fortifications but a persistent “sensor-fence” capable of identifying both technical drone relays and the movements of “Polite Green Men 2.0” before they can establish a “Digital Siege.”

Furthermore, the vulnerability of centralized logistics hubs to high-speed missile strikes—exemplified by the 150-second Oreshnik window to Warsaw—implies that NATO must adopt a “Dispersed Logistics” doctrine, modeled after the Swedish Bas 90 concept. The establishment of a “Military Schengen” area is critical to this effort; by removing the bureaucratic lead times for cross-border troop movements, NATO can ensure that the Suwalki Corridor remains a fluid maneuver space rather than a static bottleneck.

Finally, the geostrategy of escalation suggests that the primary battleground of 2026 is the “Western Political Consensus.” The implication of the 72-hour fait accompli window is that NATO must streamline its Article 5 decision-making process to account for “Grey Zone” incursions. Failure to close the technical and cognitive gaps in the Baltic-Polish realm will allow Moscow to exploit the internal biological fragilities of the state organisms, eventually forcing a fragmentation of the alliance.

6. Policy Recommendations: Closing the 72-Hour Window

To address the “Actionable Intelligence Deficit” and the high-speed threat posed by Oreshnik IRBM and Iskander-M systems, the following three policy pillars are recommended for immediate implementation.

6.1 The Tactical Pillar: Full Operationalization of the San C-UAS Shield

The most direct counter to the “Belarusian Mesh” and its associated drone swarms is the Polish San Counter-Unmanned Aerial System (C-UAS).

  • The “Mesh-Breaker” Protocol: San batteries must be tasked with the systematic identification and neutralization of radio-modem “ground anchors” located on civilian infrastructure.
  • Programmable Neutralization: Utilizing 30mm programmable “smart” ammunition allows for the precise destruction of drone relay hardware, reclaiming the electromagnetic spectrum within the first 48 hours of a blackout.
  • Systemic Immune Response: NATO must deploy autonomous micro-drone swarms. This “Swarm-vs-Swarm” doctrine utilizes high-volume, low-cost sensors to detect and neutralize infiltration cells before they can integrate into the local environment.

6.2 The Strategic Pillar: The Military Schengen & EMERS

To negate the “Consensus Gap”—where a missile arrives in 64 to 150 seconds but a transit permit takes weeks—the formalization of a “Military Schengen” is non-negotiable.

  • The 72/6 Rule: Mandate a maximum 72-hour permit window for peacetime and an automatic 6-hour window under the European Military Mobility Enhanced Response System (EMERS).
  • Pre-Delegated C2: Commanders must be granted pre-delegated authority to move Rapid Reaction forces the moment hybrid incursions are detected by the sensor-fence.

6.3 The Resilience Pillar: Dispersed Logistics and “East Shield”

Survival under a hypersonic threat requires a transition to a “distributed sustainment” model.

  • “Bas 90” Adaptation: Harden highway strips within the Suwalki Corridor to serve as improvised airbases, rendering ballistic strikes on permanent infrastructure tactically irrelevant.
  • Integrated Belt: Fuse the East Shield (Tarcza Wschód) with the Baltic Defense Line. This creates a continuous 700km “sensor-to-shooter” zone designed to detect micro-infiltration units attempting to blend into local populations.

7. Conclusion

The geostrategy of 2026 is a race against latency. Moscow’s operational art bets on the fact that NATO will require 72 hours to navigate the “electronic fog” of the Belarusian Mesh and the “sociopolitical fog” of decentralized ethnic militias. As this paper has demonstrated, the Suwalki Corridor is not merely a geographic coordinate but a vital artery in the Haushoferian living organism of the Baltic-Polish realm. If the electronic and cognitive links of the “Kill Chain” are severed, the Baltics risk becoming a strategic island, isolated by an invisible, hypersonic wall.

However, the transition from an “Enclave” to a “Theater” conflict is not inevitable. By integrating the San C-UAS Shield, the Military Schengen, and the “Systemic Immune Response” of autonomous micro-drone swarms, the Alliance can shift from a posture of passive tripwire deterrence to one of Active Denial. Success in the 2026 landscape depends on the ability to maintain a “Transparent Battlefield” where both the hypersonic threat of the Oreshnik and the “Thousand Cuts” of the Polite Green Men 2.0 are rendered visible and actionable within minutes, not days. Ultimately, the preservation of the Suwalki “Bridge” depends on the Alliance’s ability to function as a coherent military and political entity, closing the 72-hour window before the circuit is broken.

Appendix: 2026 Strategic Strike-Response Comparison

This table synthesizes the divergent capabilities of the Russian “Phase Zero” offensive and the proposed NATO “Active Denial” posture (Table 2).

Table 2: Strategic Strike-Response Comparison

Source: Generated by the author.

Technical Sidebar: Surgical Intervention via San C-UAS

The “Belarusian Mesh” acts as the digital nervous system of Russian expansion. The Polish San C-UAS system utilizes 30mm programmable “smart” ammunition to perform “surgical” removals of this system. By detonating at precise coordinates calculated by AI-driven sensors, these shells release a cloud of kinetic pellets that destroy the radio-modem “ground anchors” on civilian towers without destroying the towers themselves—effectively severing the enemy’s nerves while preserving the host infrastructure.

References

Aljundi, A. (2026). Fortifying the Frontier: Poland’s “East Shield” and the Architecture of Active Denial. Warsaw Strategic Review.

Beskrestnov, S. [Flash] (2026). The Belarusian Mesh: Radio-Modem Ground Anchors and the Future of Digital Siege. Technical Report on Electronic Warfare.

Brose, C. (2022). The Kill Chain: Defending America in the AI and Autonomous Weaponry Age. Hachette Books.

CSIS (2026). The Oreshnik Threat: Hypersonic Latency and NATO’s Cognitive Gap. Center for Strategic and International Studies, Missile Defense Project.

Decode39 (2026). Military Schengen: Bureaucratic Friction vs. Strategic Mobility in the Suwalki Corridor. European Security Analysis.

Dugin, A. (2000). Foundations of Geopolitics: The Geopolitical Future of Russia. Arktogaia.

Fedorov, Y. (2026). Scenario Modeling of Russian Operational Art: From Attrition to Systemic Paralysis. Prague Institute for Security Studies.

Friedman, G. (2017). The Storm Before the Calm: America’s Discord and Coming Crisis. Doubleday.

Friedman, G. (2021). The Future of War: Territorial Conquest vs. Systemic Paralysis. Geopolitical Futures.

Haushofer, K. (1986). De la géopolitique. Fayard.

PPR Global (2026). Whales and Elephants: The Mismatch of Carrier Strike Groups in Hybrid Baltic Theaters. Global Maritime Review.

Ratzel, F. (1897). Politische Geographie. Oldenbourg.

United24 Media (2024). Ukraine Eliminates Shahed Drone Relay Stations Operating From Belarus. News Analysis.

Technical Reference (2026). San C-UAS Operational Parameters. Version 2: Strategic Strike-Response Comparison and Surgical Intervention Sidebar. Polish Armaments Group (PGZ) / Technical Data Sheet.

Acknowledgment: The author acknowledges the use of Gemini (Google AI) for structural synthesis, manuscript polishing, and the refinement of technical visualizations during the preparation of this research.

Belarus and the Logic of Reversible Forward Posture

Alexander Perepechko. East and West …and South and…

By Alexander Perepechko

Published on February 24, 2026

Abstract

This paper examines the strategic logic underlying Russia’s evolving military posture in Belarus since 2022. The central puzzle is straightforward yet analytically underexplored: does Moscow treat Belarus as a permanently militarized forward base, or as a flexible platform for controlled escalation signaling across conventional, missile, and nuclear domains?

The study asks how Russia employs Belarusian territory to generate deterrent effects while preserving escalation management and strategic reversibility. Drawing on deterrence theory, strategic culture analysis, and open-source infrastructure assessment, it evaluates three domains of activity: large conventional force deployments, advanced missile systems, and the alleged stationing of tactical nuclear weapons. Rather than analyzing each episode in isolation, the paper identifies cross-domain patterns of posture formation.

The core finding is that Belarus functions as a zone of reversible forward posture. Russia combines infrastructure preparation, declaratory nuclear signaling, selective conventional deployments, and managed ambiguity to create latent capability without permanent entrenchment. This posture compels NATO planners to account for worst-case escalation scenarios while allowing Moscow to calibrate visibility, commitment, and risk.

The paper contributes to debates on deterrence in an era of strategic transparency and technological transition. It argues that the diffusion of AI-enabled precision systems, and persistent surveillance, reduces the stabilizing value historically associated with forward-deployed nuclear symbolism, increasing the utility of latent and reversible military positioning (Gartzke and Lindsay 2020; Biddle and Oelrich 2021). Belarus thus emerges not as a static forward bastion, but as an instrument of managed ambiguity within Russia’s broader escalation strategy.

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Possible Oreshnik Signaling from Belarus: How NATO Should Not Overreact

The Ghost of Oreshnik in Belarus. Adapted from an image © Getty Images.

By Alexander Perepechko

Published on January 18, 2026

Russia’s potential signaling of the Oreshnik missile from Belarus illustrates a strategic ambiguity; misreading it could allow perception to become a tool of escalation without a single missile being deployed.

Introduction

Russia’s emergence of the Oreshnik missile concept—accompanied by visible but incomplete military infrastructure activity in Belarus—has triggered speculative concern across Western political, media, and analytical communities. Rail spurs, loading ramps, support vehicles, and command-and-control elements are often interpreted as evidence of a possible forward missile deployment threatening NATO’s eastern flank.

This article argues that misinterpretations of Oreshnik and Belarusian infrastructure can produce unintended consequences for NATO. It explores possible ways NATO might respond, the risks of validating Russian signaling, and how perception itself can amplify strategic effects. The analysis focuses on possible scenarios, rather than confirmed deployments or operational realities (Adamsky 2019; Colby 2021; Acton 2018; Сообщество железнодорожников Беларуси 2025).

Keywords: Oreshnik, Russia, NATO, Belarus, escalation management, coercive signaling, intermediate-range missile, latent capability

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Economic Endurance and Strategic Recalibration: The U.S. National Security Strategy 2025 and the Eurasian Political Economy of War

Alexander Perepechko. The Eurasian Political Economy of War.

By Alexander Perepechko

Published on January 9, 2026

How do wars persist when armies stall and sanctions bite? The answer lies not on the battlefield, but in energy flows, trade rerouting, and economic endurance. This flagship long-read dissects the U.S. National Security Strategy 2025 against the reality of Russia’s war economy, showing how Eurasian markets—not Western finance—now determine strategic survival. As oil and gas revenues shift from Europe to China and India, the conflict in Ukraine emerges as a continental political-economic war, testing whether American power can shape interdependence rather than simply weaponize it. Recent political and economic changes in Venezuela may soon add an additional layer to these dynamics, particularly regarding energy and commodity flows, potentially affecting U.S. strategic calculations in Eurasia.

Abstract

The U.S. National Security Strategy 2025 (NSS 2025) marks a decisive shift in how American power is conceived and exercised under conditions of prolonged great-power competition and deep economic interdependence (Posen, 2014). Rather than signaling retrenchment or a return to isolationism, the strategy reflects a hybrid recalibration centered on selective engagement, allied burden-sharing, and economic endurance. Drawing on evidence from global energy and commodity trade (CREA, 2025; Trading Economics, 2024a, 2024b), this article argues that Russia’s war against Ukraine—while militarily localized—has become a Eurasian political-economic conflict, sustained by continental market substitution and asymmetric interdependence. The analysis shows how contemporary wars are increasingly decided not by battlefield outcomes alone, but by the ability to shape, exploit, and withstand interdependent economic systems over time (Brooks & Wohlforth, 2016).

Keywords: U.S. National Security Strategy 2025; strategic endurance; weaponized interdependence; political economy of war; energy security; economic warfare; Eurasian markets; great power competition.

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From Continental Isolation to Strategic Adaptation: The Transformation of U.S. National Security Strategy and the 2025 NSS

Trump's New Global Order

Heuristic map by u/Ok_Independent5273 (2025)

By Alexander Perepechko

Published on December 30, 2025

From continental consolidation to global primacy—and now to strategic recalibration.
This article examines how U.S. grand strategy evolved from nineteenth-century isolation to post-1941 interventionism and argues that the National Security Strategy 2025 marks a structural adjustment toward restraint, selective primacy, and network-based power amid intensifying great-power competition

Abstract

This article traces the evolution of U.S. grand strategy from continental consolidation in the nineteenth century to post-1941 global engagement, culminating in the pragmatically calibrated approach articulated in the U.S. National Security Strategy 2025 (NSS 2025). It argues that while nineteenth-century isolationism and non-interventionism prioritized continental security and limited external commitments, post-1941 strategy institutionalized global leadership and structural intervention. NSS 2025 synthesizes these historical lessons by balancing selective global engagement, allied burden-sharing, and technological-economic resilience in response to contemporary great-power competition. The strategy demonstrates continuity in U.S. engagement while introducing adaptive mechanisms designed to limit overextension and enhance strategic sustainability in a multipolar and technologically contested environment.

Keywords: U.S. grand strategy; isolationism; interventionism; NSS 2025; great-power competition; strategic recalibration.

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The de-occupation of Belarus: An outline for military strategy*

Inspired by Peter Jakobsen (2022)

By Belarusian Liberation Army

Published on August 30, 2024

Strategist Major General Mick Ryan (2024), an authority in the field of modern strategy, correctly asserts that Russia has already achieved its strategic goal in Belarus. The subjugation of this East European country was achieved through a combination of occupation and political accommodation.

Indeed, throughout its existence, the personalist authoritarian regime of Lukashenko in Belarus has been supported by Russia. The support primarily focused on economics and finance. Political and diplomatic support was used less frequently, for example, during the crises of 1995-1996 and during campaigns to legitimize “election” results. In 2020, Russia provided military support to the usurper Lukashenko by relocating a group of Russian National Guards to the Belarusian border, as the protest situation, which had spread throughout the country, threatened to spiral out of control.

Since August 2020, and continuing to this day, the Lukashenko regime remains highly dependent on military support, both within the Belarusian borders and from Russian territory. Lukashenko still maintains effective control over Belarus exclusively through repression, relying on his security forces. But it’s important to note that while the KGB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, as the main repressive apparatuses, remain sufficiently loyal to Lukashenko, the same cannot be said about the Belarusian army. The Belarusian armed forces have always been neglected by Lukashenko and, compared to other security structures in Belarus, were funded on a residual basis.

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Простой саботаж. Практическое руководство (Oтрывок)

Otto Soglow. Wanted! – For Sabotage – Firebug Ferdie, 1942

Опубликовано 1 октября, 2021 г.

История стратегических исследований в США изобилует пособиями, практическими руководствами, методическими указаниями и  спецкурсами по «экзотическим» для большинства университетов и академических учреждений темам. Лишь по прошествии многих лет, а то и десятилетий некоторые из этих изданий становятся доступными широкой публике. Одной из таких тем является саботаж. Предлагаемый широкому читателю адаптированный перевод введения в «Практическое руководство по саботажу», подготовленное в 1944 г. Управлением стратегических служб (Office of Strategic Services, OSS), дает представление о теории и практике саботажа (Simple, 1944) . Переведенный материал может быть использован в общеобразовательных целях. Переводчики и издатель не несут ответственности за содержание данной публикации и за возможные ошибки и неточности перевода с английского языка на русский язык.

Александр Перепечко

Вера Хортон

Простой саботаж

1. Введение

a) Цель данной работы — дать определение простому саботажу, описать возможные последствия его применения и представить предложения о том как привлечь граждан к саботажу и вовлечь их в деятельность по его проведению.

b) Понятие диверсии варьирует от высокотехничного государственного переворота (coup d’état), требующего детального планирования и привлечения специально обученных оперативных работников, до бесчисленных простых действий, которые может совершить обычный гражданин-саботажник. Настоящая работа посвящена в первую очередь второму типу.

Для простого саботажа не требуются особые инструменты или специальное оборудование. Он проводится обычным гражданином, который может действовать индивидуально или в составе группы. Ему вовсе не обязательно быть активным членом организованной группы. Организационная рамка для этого гражданина должна быть задана так, чтобы свести к минимуму риски получить травму, быть обнаруженным и подвергнутым расправе.

c) Оружием гражданина-саботажника являются соль, гвозди, свечи, галька, нитки или любые другие материалы, которые обычно находятся в распоряжении домовладельца, квартиросъемщика или работника определённой профессии. В арсенале такого саботажника — кухонная полка, куча мусора, обычный набор инструментов и других принадлежностей. Целями саботажа обычно являются объекты, к которым в повседневной жизни он имеет открытый и легкий доступ.

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ШОС – Итоги Протестного Года

Дмитрий Щигельский

Белла Фокс

Александр Перепечко

Вера Хортон

Сергей Другаков

Михаил Кучеров

Антон Малкин

Опубликовано 8 августа, 2021 г.

В августе 2020 г. Народ Беларуси начал осознавать сущность режима Александра Лукашенко. Хотя этот процесс не завершён, сдвиг в сторону осознания того, где оказались народ и страна после пребывания в течение четверти столетия под игом персоналистской диктатуры, имеет огромное значение. Люди поняли, что с самого начала режим строился на обмане, махинациях и насилии. Для того, чтобы захватить и сконцентрировать в своих руках всю власть, Лукашенко уничтожил и продолжает уничтожать политических оппонентов.

К 2020 г. изменились беларуское общество, его структура, взгляды и ценности. Произошли значительные изменения в экономической модели беларуского общества. Эти глубокие изменения породили политический кризис, в который с августа 2020 г. оказалось вовлечённым большинство граждан Беларуси. Острый политический кризис проявился в противостоянии народа режиму во всех сферах жизни: экономической, информационной, религиозной, политической и общественной.

После августа 2020 г. режим окончательно отбросил всякую видимость законности. По существу, прекратилось исполнение таких базовых функций государства, как обеспечение безопасности граждан, законное судопроизводство, разрешение конфликтов, арбитраж. Лукашенко и его режим сами стали основным источником опасности для граждан Беларуси.

Continue reading ШОС – Итоги Протестного Года

О введении режимов чрезвычайного и военного положения в диктатурах и сопротивлении (Брифинг)

Александр Перепечко

Дмитрий Щигельский

Опубликовано 6 июля, 2021 г.

Вопрос:      Какими могут быть действия диктатуры в Республике Беларусь (РБ), с одной стороны, и оппозиции/сопротивления, с другой стороны, при объявлении чрезвычайного положения (ЧП)? На какой срок может быть введён режим ЧП и какими могут быть его последствия для противоборствующих сторон в плане активности? 

Ответ:      По белорусскому законодательству чрезвычайное положение (ЧП) и военное положение (ВП) – это особые временные правовые режимы деятельности госорганов, должностных лиц, вводимые на всей территории страны или в отдельных местностях и допускающие ограничения прав и свобод граждан и организаций, а также возложение на них дополнительных обязанностей. 

Одно из отличий состоит в том, что режим ЧП на всей территории Беларуси не может превышать 30 суток. Если ЧП вводят в отдельных областях или местностях, там он может действовать 60 суток. Причины для введения ЧП и предусмотренные им меры подробно рассмотрены в Законе о Чрезвычайном Положении (Закон, 2009). Поэтому нет смысла их здесь пересказывать.

Но это все de jure.

Continue reading О введении режимов чрезвычайного и военного положения в диктатурах и сопротивлении (Брифинг)

С какой диктатурой в Беларуси мы имеем дело, и как такие диктатуры заканчиваются (Брифинг)

Александр Перепечко

Опубликовано 29 июня, 2021 г.

            Автором были проанализированы базы данных GWF, Института глобальных изменений Тони Блэра и Archigos, а также ряд открытых публикаций в западных, беларуских и российских научных изданиях. Формат брифинга не позволяет даже кратко сказать об использованных теориях и методах. Можно лишь кратко суммировать результаты анализа, которые и представлены ниже в виде 7-ми пунктов, а также выводов. 

            1) В Республике Беларусь (РБ) узурпатор Александр Лукашенко является de facto единственным субъектом политики. Ввиду этого обстоятельства, оппозиции вести переговоры с его «вертикалью», отдельными функционерами или их группами не представляется логичным. Такие тираны вступают в переговоры только тогда, когда они проиграли борьбу за удержание власти. 

            В качестве примера можно привести следующую гипотетическую ситуацию: президентский дворец окружён восставшим народом, охрана сложила оружие, и все пути для бегства узурпатора отрезаны. В такой ситуации переговоры дают возможность уменьшить насилие (число убитых) на 15-25%.

            2) Но даже в этом случае, ввиду особенностей психики Лукашенко и особенностей его восприятия других партнёров, весьма сомнительно ожидать, что тиран сможет договориться. Об этом неоднократно говорил и писал психиатр Дмитрий Щигельский.

Continue reading С какой диктатурой в Беларуси мы имеем дело, и как такие диктатуры заканчиваются (Брифинг)